The history of territorial expansion in the 16th century is woven with uncertain routes, conflicting ambitions, and complex encounters between different peoples. What began as a series of campaigns organized after the fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, during Cortés’ military campaign, with the decisive participation of Tlaxcaltec, Huejotzingo, and Totonac allies—motivated by ancient The history of territorial expansion in the 16th century is woven with uncertain routes, conflicting ambitions, and complex encounters between different peoples. What began as a series of campaigns organized after the fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, during Cortés’ military campaign, with the decisive participation of Tlaxcaltec, Huejotzingo, and Totonac allies—motivated by ancient rivalries with other lordships, expectations of reward, or the need to maintain their position within the new order— soon transformed into a network of explorations increasingly distant from the central highlands. On these routes, figures such as Hernán Cortés, Francisco de Montejo, and Nuño de Guzmán used these alliances to advance into new territories, without the indigenous peoples who accompanied them being fully aware of the scope of the monarchical project that was taking shape.
The participation of these indigenous peoples was not an act of obedience, but rather a strategic decision framed within a system of inter-señorial rivalries that predated contact with Europeans by centuries. The Tlaxcaltecs, in addition to having resisted Mexica rule, were in conflict with other peoples in the center and north, such as certain independent Otomí groups, Huastecs, and Chichimeca lordships, with whom they disputed territories, trade routes, and local alliances. After the defeat of the Mexica lordship, these enmities did not disappear. On the contrary, many indigenous allies saw in the subsequent expeditions an opportunity to extend their influence, punish old enemies, and consolidate their position within the new viceregal system. The same can be said of the Huejotzings and Totonacs, who, by participating in subsequent campaigns, also sought concrete benefits and recognition from the Castilian authorities. Thus, the territorial expansion undertaken by the Crown of Castile cannot be understood without the indigenous alliances, which responded to their own political logic and conflicts that predated the arrival of the Europeans.
Cortés, Montejo, and Guzmán: crossed paths and conflicting ambitions
The first expansions after the fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlan were marked by the direct influence of Cortés or those linked to him. One of his collaborators was Francisco de Montejo, who in 1527 set out on the route to the Yucatán Peninsula. His appointment as governor of that region came after he had served as attorney for the city council of Veracruz, an organization founded by the same participants in the military campaign. He was accompanied on his expedition by Tlaxcaltec and Totonac allies, who were instrumental in opening up the Mayan territory, characterized by its decentralized political organization and prolonged resistance.
In contrast, Nuño de Guzmán was a controversial figure, known both for his political ambition and his brutality. He arrived in New Spain as president of the first Royal Audience—an institution based in Mexico City—and from there he engaged in a fierce rivalry with Cortés, whom he pursued relentlessly. Taking advantage of his position, he undertook campaigns to the northwest that resulted in the founding of the territory later known as Nueva Galicia. His name became associated with extreme abuses against indigenous populations, including torture, mass enslavement, and exemplary punishments. Chroniclers such as Fray Bartolomé de las Casas and Bishop Zumárraga publicly denounced him, pointing to him as responsible for cruel and arbitrary acts during his incursions.
“This governor was the cruelest tyrant that ever lived in these Indies, and the most unjust, arrogant, insatiable, and enemy of the human race.”
— Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, 1552
Although Guzmán also had the support of certain indigenous allies who saw his campaigns as an opportunity to confront their traditional enemies, his leadership was authoritarian and repressive, and his actions ultimately undermined his own political position. Years later, he was dismissed and prosecuted by the same Catholic monarchy that had sent him, in a clear sign that his excesses did not go unnoticed even within the viceregal structure.
Fray Marcos de Niza and the promise of Cíbola
In 1539, seeking to expand on the information provided by Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca about northern territories, the Crown sent a new expedition led by the Franciscan friar Marcos de Niza. According to contemporary accounts, he was a religious man “learned not only in theology, but also in cosmography and the art of navigation.” His guide was Estebanico, the African survivor of Narváez’s expedition and companion of Cabeza de Vaca.
During the journey, upon reaching a town called Vacapa, Fray Marcos decided to remain there, while Estebanico went ahead with the mission of exploring. They had agreed that, depending on what he found, Estebanico would send a cross whose size would be proportional to the importance of the discovery. Days later, Fray Marcos received a cross the size of a man, along with enthusiastic news about a stone city with facades decorated with turquoise: Cíbola.
But bad news soon arrived: Estebanico had tried to enter the city, was rejected, captured, and killed by arrows fired by its inhabitants. Despite this, Fray Marcos continued. From the top of a hill, he observed the city, which seemed even larger than Mexico City. Fearing for his life and convinced of the importance of his discovery, he symbolically took possession of the territory in the name of the king and returned to New Spain to present his report.
New territories, new challenges: the north and the Chichimeca peoples
Until then, territorial expansion had advanced into Mesoamerican regions inhabited by agricultural and urbanized peoples. But as they moved northward, the expeditionaries encountered semi-sedentary and nomadic ways of life, in groups that the Castilian chronicles began to call Chichimecas. Their lifestyle, based on hunting, gathering, and sheltering in mountainous areas, made it difficult to incorporate these peoples into the viceregal system.
Attempts at occupation generated persistent resistance and forced a complete overhaul of campaign logistics: soldiers alone were no longer enough. Now caravans carrying provisions, animals, tools, and entire families willing to found new settlements were needed.
Conclusion
The territorial expansion in the early days of New Spain was more than just a series of military campaigns. It involved indigenous alliances, political rivalries between figures such as Cortés and Guzmán, and accounts such as that of Fray Marcos de Niza, which set the course for new explorations. The promises of wealth, the desire for territorial control, and the complex relationships between Mesoamerican peoples shaped a process that was both geographical and symbolic.
From the Mayan cities to the northern lands, passing through the myth of the seven cities of gold, this expansion was the result of multiple forces in tension, where imagination was often as powerful as weapons.
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